PRE-POLL RIGGING: ELECTION 2002

 Spate of Transfers

The military government’s maneuvers to favorable results in the October elections started much before the formal announcement of election dates by General Musharraf on July 10, 2002.  One far-reaching measure, which had also been adopted by every military regime in the past, is to place police and other administrative officials according to the wishes of pro-government contestants.

 

Although large-scale transfers hit the press headlines in July, the process was silently started as early as May 2002.  It was due to realization of this fact that the Pakistan Bar Council, in its meeting at Lahore on July 27, noted “147 officers have been transferred in Punjab, while 37 have been transferred in Sindh since May 1, 2002.”  The Council demanded cancellation of all these transfers, because “these transfers are a way to rig the forthcoming elections.” (Dawn, July 28, 2002)

 

The national press started highlighting the unprecedented scale of transfers in the first week of July with the news that Punjab Government had ordered transfer of nine Superintendents of Police (Nation, July 6, 2002).  News of more transfers in other provinces as well continued to pour in the press strengthening the perception that the regime was engaged in pre-poll rigging. “Opposition complaints about pre-election rigging are supported by reports of important bureaucrats approaching District Nazims to influence them to cast their weight behind government-supported candidates. A report from Sindh tells of transfers of bureaucrats in five districts considered strongholds of a party opposed to the government. Once the election date is announced, the CEC is supposed to be the man in charge of the elections. To ensure that the exercise is fair and free, he must stop politically motivated transfers of bureaucrats manning crucial positions like the DCOs and DPOs. Any transfers that might have already taken place need to be reversed and a ban enforced on shuffling of DCOs and DPOs till after the elections.” (Nation editorial, July 12, 2002).

 

However, the Chief Election Commissioner took another 12 days to take notice of the public and press protests, and issued an order on July 23 saying that “Bulk transfers of the civil servants shall not be made with immediate effect till the completion of the forthcoming elections; and that individual transfers of civil servants shall not be made with immediate effect except under exceptional circumstances, in the exigencies of service and in public interest. The Election Commission shall be informed accordingly.” 

 

The order came too late, because most of the desired transfers had already been affected.  However. The process continued with the regime taking full advantage of the loopholes provided by such phrases as “exceptional circumstances”, “exigencies of service and in public interest.”  “Within few days of the election commission's orders the Punjab government issued notifications for the transfer of several of its police and civil officers, posted in different districts of the province. The election commission reportedly saw these transfers as violation of the commission's order but the Punjab administration justified this administrative reshuffle and refused to cancel the transfer orders. Punjab and Sindh administrations have been criticized both by the political parties/groups and the independent print media for making extensive changes recently in the district administrations both of district police officers and district coordination officers. These changes were alleged to be part of pre-polls rigging initiatives aimed at benefiting the government's choice candidates in the next general elections. However, the government denied all these allegations and termed the transfers as routine administrative changes. (The News, August 4, 2002)

 

The latest episode of the regime’s defiance in this respect was reported by The News on August 31 with the reshuffling of five top posts in the Punjab government.

 

New Political Ministers

General Musharraf and his henchmen have been asserting that they would never allow Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto to return to power.  In fact, Musharraf has said so many times that there is no role for both these persons in Pakistan politics.  However, the regime is well aware of the vast vote bank commanded by the parties led by Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto.  Sharif’s home province, Punjab, is being taken care of through open support to PML turncoats, now named PML (Q), and careful placement of loyal police and civil officers in “sensitive” areas. 

 

In Benazir’s home province Sindh, the regime encouraged a few chosen feudal lords to form a new party by the name of Sindh Democratic Alliance.  It was soon realized that the new set up had no political punch to erode PPP’s vote strength, and needed governmental powers.  The Sindh Governor, therefore, suddenly expanded his lame duck cabinet with five new ministers on July 3, 2002; three from the SDA and two from another loyalist group. The Nation summed up its editorial comment with the sentence “Obviously, the carrots are being dangled.”

 

Soon, large-scale transfer of local police and civil officers were reported from different districts of the province, made reportedly at the advice of the new ministers. The districts of Hyderabad, Larkana, Khairpur, Dadu and Badin - all having PPP-backed district Nazims – were special targets.

 

Official Lobbying

High civil and military officers of the regime also started electioneering before the announcement of the election dates.  Dawn correspondent in Quetta, Siddiq Baloch reported, “the corps commander and the governor have separately met a group of pro-establishment politicians, all from the PML (QA). Although there has been no formal announcement from the offices of the corps commander and the governor about the substance and issues discussed at the meeting, there is a general impression that the delegation of the leaders comprised the 'seat winners' or future legislators of Balochistan.”  He recalled “Interestingly, the same process was observed before selecting the district Nazims in the local elections. Personalities were interviewed and selected for the jobs, ensuring the smooth sailing of the agenda for the devolution of powers from the provincial government to local councils or dismantling the institution of deputy commissioner.” (Dawn July 8, 2002)

 

Another correspondent, Tariq Saeed Birmani reported fro Dera Ghazi Khan “A couple of days ago, the Punjab home secretary and the inspector general of police paid a visit to DG Khan. The home secretary met the local leadership of the PML-QA, the Millat Party and some representatives of the district and tehsil councils. Maqsood Leghari, a former minister and the cousin of former president Farooq Leghari, also attended the meetings. The home secretary reportedly promised full help for those who would support the government and its agenda in the forthcoming elections.” (Dawn, July 9, 2002)

And from Gujranwala, it was reported, “The Punjab home secretary and IGP on Tuesday held meetings with Nazimeen, their deputies, DCO's and police officials reportedly to seek support for the proposed constitutional package.” (Dawn, July 10, 2002)

Similar press reports from other places indicate that top bureaucrats have been continuously touring the province with the Governor’s helicopter at their disposal.  They have not only been lobbying for pro-regime contestants, but also threatening opponents with prosecution under fake criminal cases.

 

Press and public outcry against such blatant bureaucratic intervention in the electoral process had no effect whatsoever.  Instead, Punjab Governor, Lt. Gen. (retd.) Khalid Maqbool brazenly declared, “The government would continue to support the political parties which have pro-reform agenda of the military regime.” Khalid Maqbool said the government objective of supporting the politicians was to introduce a stable democratic political system. To a question, he said nothing of the Punjab government was secret. He said the provincial government believed in open debate on all issues and even its cabinet meetings are no more secret to the people and press. He rejected the ARD allegation that the government has started a campaign through Chief Secretary and Home Secretary in favor of pro-govt parties. (Nation, July 21, 2002)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Gerrymandering

 

 

Inordinate Delay in Delimitation

Delimitation of electoral constituencies is always a complicated task. It was all the more complex after the national census of 1998.  The Musharraf regime delayed this important aspect of fair elections.  It announced the increase in national and provincial assemblies seats on January 22, 2002, after which the process of delimitation should have started immediately.  According to the Road Map announced by General Musharraf in December 1999, the process of preparing electoral rolls and delimitation of constituencies was to be completed by June 30.

 

However, the process could not start simply because the regime did not bother to constitute new election commission although the previous one had ceased to exist in October 2001.   The new Chief Election Commissioner was appointed on January 14, 2002, but the regime took another 26 days to appoint the other four members to complete the Commission.

 

NRB Role

The EC took up delimitation on March 1, with only four months left to meet the deadline of June 30.  Surprisingly, the preliminary list of the freshly demarcated constituencies was published on March 26, strengthening suspicions that the list had been prepared elsewhere. 

 

PML (N) went on record next day with the statement: "We have solid reasons to believe that the delimitation of constituencies announced by the chief election commissioner has been conducted and finalized by the National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB) and the Election Commission has been used merely as post office." 

 

A statement by PPP Acting Secretary General same day alleged that in violation of the Constitution and the Delimitation of Constituencies Act, 1974, the regime has excluded the Election Commission from the initial work of delimitation. He pointed out that a cell in the NRB has carried out the delimitation process in consultation with the candidates of the King’s Party (PML-QA).

 

Rules Ignored

Press reports from different parts of the country strengthened these allegations.  In many places, lines were redrawn to damage interests of certain politicians, particularly those belonging to the PML (N) and PPP.  The rule of geographical contiguity and administrative unity was openly violated. For Instance:

 

• PP-69 and PP 70, formerly comprising areas of Shorkot tehsil, have been split with areas from Jhang tehsil annexed to the new constituency.
• NA-69, traditional stronghold of PPP’s Faisal Saleh Hayat has been split in two, with the new constituency stretching 120 kilometers from south to North.
• In Toba Tek Singh district, after the delimitation of three NA seats, NA 92, NA 93 and NA 94, and PA seats PP 84, PP 85, PP 86, PP 87, PP 88, PP 89 and PP 90, the villages of previous six Punjab assemblies (now seven seats) have been mixed without considering their tehsil limits. The Dawn reported on April 1: “a senior officer in the president Gen Pervez Musharraf's secretariat had proposed the change in the constituencies of the district as his relative residing here would contest in October elections from a local provincial assembly seat.”  According to our sources, the changes were made twice at the behest of Musharraf’s powerful Principle Secretary Tariq Aziz, whose cousin Dr, Ashfaqur Rehman is contesting on PML (Q) ticket.

 

Last Minute Changes

There is evidence that at some places, the EC changed the erstwhile appropriate preliminary delimitation on representation of pro-regime politicians.  The delimitation of Jacobabad District is a case in point, where two national three provincial constituencies were unnecessarily disturbed in the final notification. Tangwani STC of Kandhkot taluka situated adjacent to Thul taluka was attached to Kashmore taluka to form part of NA-210, while Kandhkot STC located adjacent to Kashmore taluka has been included in Thul taluka to constitute NA-209. Consequently, the people of Kandhkot, the largest taluka of Jacobabad district, have been deprived of a fair opportunity of being represented in the National Assembly as its four STCs have been unduly added in couples to three STCs each of Kashmore and Thul talukas, providing them a clear and distinct electoral edge and political advantage over Kandhkot taluka. By doing so the east-west distance of both these constituencies had unnecessarily been increased by at least 20 km, disturbing the compactness of the constituencies as well as adding to public inconvenience, he claimed. It was absolutely irrational and preposterous to make Kandhkot city part of Thul constituency and Tangwani town part of Kashmore constituency, as they fell in two opposite directions. A 10-km wide patch of NA-210 fell in between the two ends of NA-209. Similarly, a five-km strip of NA-209 intersected the territory of NA-210.

 

Again, according to the final notification, PS-16 has been altered in a manner that it overlaps into two National constituencies, that is, NA-209 & NA-210, and contains the largest population, that is, 2.66 lakh, when PS-13 has 2.08 lakh. Similarly, PS-17 also overlaps into NA-209 & NA-210, as the isolated Kandhkot city located within PS-16 has been invalidly made part of PS-17 in the form of an island without being geographically connected to PS-17, in blatant violation of the principles of compactness and contiguity provided in Section 9 of the Act of 1974. Kandhkot city, a detached part of PS-17, is at least five km from the nearest point and is physically surrounded by Kandhkot tape, which is part of PS- 16.

 

The Sindh High Court admitted a petition for hearing against delimitation of Jacobabad constituencies on July 18, but dismissed it on August 27 saying, "The points raised are speculative.”

 

 

Vague Statistics
A large number of representations were made to the EC against discrepancies in delimitations. According to an announcement by the Election Commission on June 28, when the final list was notified, it received as many as 945 objections and representations against preliminary delimitation of 849 constituencies.  The EC failed to mention how many of these were upheld, and the demarcation rectified.

 

Glaring Favors

The national press, however, has highlighted a few cases where changes in preliminary delimitation were allowed to facilitate pro-regime politicians. For Instance:

 

• In Dadu (Sindh), EC member upheld objections of Liaqat Jatoi and Syed Jalal Mehmood Shah in respect of Sindh Assembly constituencies PS 71 and 72.  Both the gentlemen belong to PML (Q).
• Similarly, national and provincial constituencies in Gujrat, Wazirabad and Mandi Bahauddin Districts of Punjab were re-demarcated again on representation of PML (Q) leaders.

 

All these instances amply indicate that the delimitation of the constituencies has not been done in a transparent manner.  In appearance the whole gigantic process, despite delay in its initiation, was completed in haste. But the way the interests of pro-regime politicians were kept in view strengthens suspicions of large scale gerrymandering.

 

Conclusion

 

The instances cited above are only samples of an all-embracing scheme to perpetuate military rule in Pakistan.  This plan rests on the oft repeated convoluted argument of the present rulers that mistakes or misdeeds of that have obstructed smooth evolution of democracy in the country should be accorded constitutional sanctity.  In General Musharraf’s view, the plan must succeed at all costs.  He is even prepared to ignore with contempt all niceties of morality and legality.  To quote noted political analyst Ms Nasim Zehra, who is generally sympathetic to the regime:

 

“After three years Musharraf in power and the NRB at work, Musharraf has concluded that he must stay in power for another five years as the president and army chief to ensure Pakistan's political and socio-economic progress. In his mind, reform and his own person have become synonymous. This is an inherently faulty premise.

 “In coming to this conclusion what has Musharraf lost in the process? Credibility. Today in search of clean politicians NAB has opted for plea-bargaining with the corrupt and the indicted. A point well illustrated by the key players of the King's party in the different provinces. Whatever the Chief Election Commissioner may say to maintain respectability of the current process, the fact is that many state institutions are busy ensuring that the king's men and women win.” (The News, August 29, 2002)